Stop the Islamization of the Netherlands and the West! By defending the latter, Wilders is not only capable of depicting Islamic culture as intolerant, sexist, and homophobic; it simultaneously allows him to claim the superiority of a Dutch national identity that is increasingly intertwined with secularism. Paradoxically, the PVV leader thus presents values that were historically associated with anti-religious and anti-Christian attitudes as achievements of Dutch Judeo-Christian culture.
This embrace of progressive values, which has become almost a requirement for the electoral success of conservative parties in the highly secularized Dutch context, makes the PVV a rather peculiar case in comparison to its political allies abroad.
Wilders invokes one issue more often than national identity when articulating his anti-Islam stances. It brings violence and danger everywhere.
The fate of Pim Fortuyn and Theo van Gogh is a warning and a reminder. While the FVD obtained 1. Rather, they should primarily be perceived in the light of potential physical threats. That is why you often hear that last position. Fueled by similar attacks on political elites in general and left-wing parties in particular, concerns about cultural identity, immigration, and integration have become more salient in recent decades.
In this increasingly fragmented political landscape—where the three parties that have governed the Netherlands since the late s —only represented a third of the voters in the provincial elections, as Figure 1 illustrates, the largest party is not a large party any longer. In moving to the right on immigration and Islam-related issues since the sudden success of the LPF in , Dutch mainstream parties alienated substantial groups of voters with migrant backgrounds.
In addition, the party has managed to mobilize the votes of citizens of Turkish and Moroccan origin who are increasingly frustrated and disappointed with Dutch mainstream parties and the exclusionary turn of their discourse—especially the PvdA, which has historically attracted many voters of migrant backgrounds.
Simultaneously, an increase in religiosity among Dutch Muslims over the same period is evident. For instance, according to a major survey conducted by the Netherlands Institute for Social Research SCP , the share of Dutch citizens from Turkish origin praying five times per day increased from 72 percent in , to 85 percent in 69 to 78 percent for Dutch citizens of Moroccan descent , while the share of Dutch women with Moroccan roots wearing a headscarf increased from 75 to 89 percent remaining stable around 50 percent for Dutch women of Turkish origin.
Meanwhile, the percentage of Dutch-Turkish citizens attending Mosque at least once a week increased from 35 to 40 percent and 35 to 37 percent among Dutch-Moroccan citizens. Behind these increasingly politicized group identities, however, lurks an impressive diversity—both on the side of PVV voters and among citizens of immigrant background in the Netherlands.
To start with the former: far from all Wilders voters are principally preoccupied with the issue of Islamization, as I found in personal interviews I held with 64 PVV voters between September and July To be sure, immigration is an electoral consideration of practically all these citizens. Just like all other religions.
Diversity also characterizes Dutch citizens with a migrant background, and increasingly so. A recent report published by the Netherlands Scientific Council for Government Policy WRR showed that the origin of migrants who arrived in the Netherlands between and is quite different than previous immigration waves in the second half of the twentieth century.
The study even points at an emigration surplus—more emigrants than immigrants—for Turks, Moroccans, and Surinamese during this period. As a consequence, not only is the relative share of Muslims among migrants lower than it was in previous decades, their countries of origin are also more diverse. Remarkably, despite the increasing identity-based polarization characterizing Dutch politics and the decreasing social coherence in Dutch neighborhoods due to higher levels of ethnic heterogeneity, 81 the share of Dutch citizens stating that there are too many people with a different nationality living in the Netherlands has dropped in the past decades, from more than 50 percent in , to less than a third in through Related Books.
Journey into Europe By Akbar Ahmed. In majoritarian systems, such as in France, politicians need to appeal to a wider range of voters to be elected.
Accordingly, they cannot be as radical in their proposals as Wilders, who, with only one percent of the votes would still get re-elected. Een verhaal van winnaars en verliezers Amsterdam: Atlas Contact, According to the Central Office for Statistics, three million foreign immigrants were added to the Dutch population between and , half of which originated from non-Western countries.
By virtue of its etymology - i. See Koen Damhuis, Roads to the radical right. Understanding different forms of electoral support for radical right-wing parties in France and the Netherlands Florence: European University Institute, , 4. The counter-mobilization against parties promoting anti-immigration stances has been particularly vigorous in the Netherlands compared to other European countries.
For an intellectual portrait of Bolkesteijn and his importance for the conservative movement in the Netherlands, see Merijn Oudenampsen, De conservatieve revolte Nijmegen: Vantilt, Frits Bolkesteijn, De goede vreemdeling. How fast is the population growing? How are the various animal species doing? What are our top concerns? Where do the emigrants go? Who use social media the most? How isolated do we feel? What are our favourite wedding dates?
What about partnership registrations? How many unders are receiving youth assistance? What about cyber crime? What are the most popular majors?
What are the major religions? How many overnight stays? How many people shop online? And the items they buy Who are eligible to vote? What are young people doing online? How many adults smoke or have smoked? Where were people in the Caribbean Netherlands originally born? Where do Caribbean Dutch children live? Please do not hesitate to contact me. The most important key figures provide you with a compact summary of the topic of "Islam in the Netherlands" and take you straight to the corresponding statistics.
In the following 4 chapters, you will quickly find the 25 most important statistics relating to "Islam in the Netherlands". Skip to main content Try our corporate solution for free! Single Accounts Corporate Solutions Universities. Published by Statista Research Department , Mar 4, The majority of Dutch Muslims have their roots in Turkey and Morocco , but since the end of the Second World War people from all over the Islamic world, their children and their grandchildren have made the Netherlands their new home.
It also includes a small group of Dutch converts. Although religiosity differs from person to person and from community to community, the majority of Dutch Muslims never or rarely visit religious services in a mosque. Among Turkish-Dutch Muslims, 40 percent stated to go to the mosque at least once a week, whereas this was the case for 37 percent of Moroccan-Dutch Muslims and only 16 percent of Surinamese-Dutch Muslims.
The communities differ widely in their prayer frequencies too. Of Somali-Dutch, 80 percent stated they pray five times a day. For the Surinamese-Dutch, this was just over 20 percent only. The consumption of halal food was relatively high among all groups, with only the Surinamese-Dutch community scoring below 80 percent. They also have the lowest Ramadan participation rate, at only 34 percent.
In comparison, nearly 90 percent of the Moroccan-Dutch stated to fast all days during Ramadan. Female Somali-Dutch Muslims are most likely to wear a veil , at 90 percent. Despite the long debate about restricting religious clothing in the country, most Dutch are perfectly fine with Muslim girls wearing headscarves.
In a recent survey, only a small share of respondents turned out to be in favor of completely banning religious clothing, whereas the majority thought Muslim women should be allowed to wear at least a hijab, if not a full-face veil.
In another survey, nearly 90 percent stated to be willing to accept Muslims as members of their family too.
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